Huzzard (2004)
This paper addresses the under-theorised relationship
between learning and power. It identifies:
1.
a shortcoming in situatied
learning theory that it is narrowly restricted to routine labour processes, and
2.
a shortcoming in work on
sensemaking, in that this has been unrelated to micro-political processes and
considerations of power
The role of power in communities of practice was
clearly identified by Lave & Wenger (1991) in their initial formulation of
situated learning theory. Yet power has since become somewhat lost as the notion
so CoPs has been subsumed within the organisationa learning literature.
Huzzard argues for a ‘conceptualisation of
sensemaking, sensegiving and learning in a model of organizational change that
focuses on learning through exploration
in projects rather than learning
through exploitation in routine activities’
Could it be argued that undergraduate
courses ‘exploit students in routine activities’ – i.e. is the traditional
lecture an example of this? If an UG course were reimagined as a community would
student learning happen more through ‘exploration in projects’?
According to Lave & Wenger:
·
‘the mastery of knowledge and
skill requires newcomers to move toward full participation in the sociocultural
practices of a community’ (1991: 29)
·
learning is a social process that
‘…includes, indeed it subsumes, the learning of knowledgeable skills’
·
knowledge of the socially
constituted world is socially mediated and open ended…cognition and
communication in, and with, the social world, are situated in the historical
development of ongoing activity (p.51)
Situated learning theory departs from “mainstream’
accounts of learning (Gherardi et al, 1998) in that a contrary view is taken on
the ontological status of knowledge:
·
in mainstream accounts, knowledge
is seen as something that is objective, uncontested and unproblematically
diffused to learners.
·
For Lave & Wenger, however,
knowledge is socially constructed:
when actors draw on new “knowledge” they attribute new meaning to it, contextualise
it locally and translate it into practice through everyday interaction. New
understandings are then generated retrospectively through collective
reflection. Accordingly, learning has a
relational character whereby the negotiation of meaning is pivotal.
Although such learning can be triggered by information obtained from external
sources, it is nevertheless more appropriately defined in terms of the (social)
negotiation of meaning during its contextualization rather than the receipt and
storage of “facts”; for example, the content of training manuals.
This
is a key argument in favour of reimagining UG courses as communities. In order
for this to happen, how should the role of the tutor change?
·
Traditional approaches [to
learning in organisations] see knowledge as objective and learnable through
data collection routines = learning as uncertainty reduction whereby understanding
leads to action (Addleson, 1996; Ford & Ogilvie, 1996) Spender,
1996)
·
Situated learning sees knowledge
as ambiguous and thereby subject to interpretation and trial-and-error
application = learning
as meaning creation whereby action leads to understanding (Addleson,
1996; Ford & Ogilvie, 1996; Spender, 1996)
·
Legitimate peripheral
participation: short of full participation, a novice is not fully accepted
within the community (is short of legitimacy), and lacks belonging (remains
peripheral)
·
Crucially, therefore, LPP suggests
that learning is
embedded in power relations and processes of identity formation, an
insight markedly absent in mainstream accounts (Contu & Wilmott, 2003)
Contu & Wilmott (2003) sought, from a
post-structuralist perspective, to pay more sustained attention to how learning
practices are embedded in relations of power. For them:
·
power is articulated through social
practices that produce the “truths” that make up our self-concepts and the
institutions in which our selves are embedded
·
power is not exercised by
sovereign individual, but is located in social practices and the relationships
on which such practices are built
·
power relations accordingly
operate to either facilitate or impede learning processes
The ‘radical’ view (Lukes, 1974)
This views organisations as arenas of domination
whereby the powerful are in control of socialisation processes and political agendas.
Those in dominant positions wield power through shaping
1.
common ideologies
2.
common definitions of issues and
3.
common beliefs
In each of these three views there is an implicit
recognition that actors have real, material interests. However, in the radical
view of Lukes, actors are not always aware of what their real interests are.
Power, accordingly, can be exercised subconsciously – disconnected from any
notion of intent. I could argue that this is certainly
the case in classrooms where the teacher wields all the power, even though they
are not necessarily aware of this ‘power’ and of their potential to shape
‘common beliefs’ in their students.
The ‘relational’ view (Foucault, 1982) and post-structuralism
This view questions the tendency…to assume that
individuals or groups are sovereign agents or possessors of power. Such
sovereignty and agency are, rather, the product of regimes of “power/knowledge”
(Contu & Wilmott, 2003). Such
regimes find their expression in discourses, and power is located in relationships.
In the relational view, power is
involved in everything we do and necessarily implies resistance. It is a
capillary force and not the property of dominant groups (Fulop & Linstead,
1999). As with the radical view, there is an emphasis on social construction
and non-intentionality; on the other hand, post-structuralists question not
only whether it is possible to identify what “real” interests are, but also
argue for the impossibility of our knowing the material world outside of our
preferred discursive constructions.
Two views:
1.
that a material world exists,
outside and independent of discourse, about which we can make plausible truth
claims. In terms of discourse, agency is attributed to the dominant party. i.e. 'The Gevernment are more powerful than me because they have more power'
2.
that there is also a
socially-constructed world ontologically different from the real world. Power
may exist in either covert or overt forms; it may or may not involve agential
intent that is associated with the perceived real interests of dominant groups.
In terms of discourse, a sort of quasi-agency is attributed to the discourse
itself. i.e. in the 'real' world the Government don't have any more 'real' power than I do, but their power is created through the influence of their rhetoric/discourse. This feels 'real' because the population share a common perception of their power created through the verbal and written word, but this 'reality' is in fact socially constructed.'
Is this right?
Is this right?
Conclusions
Learning is an outcome of power. But this needs to be
made more specific: do
unequal relationships of power enhance learning or is learning enhanced when
such inequalities are broken down and more equal relations prevail in a
community of learners?
Proposition
1:
A degree of domination is required in projects to
shape and direct learning processes in line with the project remit and its
financial and time constraints.
Proposition
2:
Learning is enhanced when hierarchies are broken down
and power relations are (temporarily) set aside. This would appear to have some
support in the literature (Dixon, 1997) and has been a fundamental belief at
the core of action research efforts aimed at generating learning in development
projects through democratic dialogue (Gustavsen, 1992).
Proposition
3:
An outcome of learning processes can be new power
relations. Power, or rather newly-configured power relations, might be the
outcome of learning.

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